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He advanced till he could
not retreat, and found himself in the midst of a nation of armies.

Were it now to be proposed to the Austrians and Prussians, to escort
them into the middle of France, and there leave them to make the most
of such a situation, they would see too much into the dangers of it to
accept the offer, and the same dangers would attend them, could they
arrive there by any other means. Where, then, is the military policy of
their attempting to obtain, by force, that which they would refuse by
choice? But to reason with despots is throwing reason away. The best of
arguments is a vigorous preparation.

Man is ever a stranger to the ways by which Providence regulates the
order of things. The interference of foreign despots may serve to
introduce into their own enslaved countries the principles they come
to oppose. Liberty and Equality are blessings too great to be the
inheritance of France alone. It is an honour to her to be their first
champion; and she may now say to her enemies, with a mighty voice, "O!
ye Austrians, ye Prussians! ye who now turn your bayonets against us,
it is for you, it is for all Europe, it is for all mankind, and not for
France alone, that she raises the standard of Liberty and Equality!"

The public cause has hitherto suffered from the contradictions contained
in the Constitution of the Constituent Assembly. Those contradictions
have served to divide the opinions of individuals at home, and to
obscure the great principles of the Revolution in other countries. But
when those contradictions shall be removed, and the Constitution be
made conformable to the declaration of Rights; when the bagatelles of
monarchy, royalty, regency, and hereditary succession, shall be exposed,
with all their absurdities, a new ray of light will be thrown over the
world, and the Revolution will derive new strength by being universally
understood.

The scene that now opens itself to France extends far beyond the
boundaries of her own dominions. Every nation is becoming her colleague,
and every court is become her enemy. It is now the cause of all nations,
against the cause of all courts. The terror that despotism felt,
clandestinely begot a confederation of despots; and their attack upon
France was produced by their fears at home.

In entering on this great scene, greater than any nation has yet been
called to act in, let us say to the agitated mind, be calm. Let us
punish by instructing, rather than by revenge. Let us begin the new
ara by a greatness of friendship, and hail the approach of union and
success.

Your Fellow-Citizen,

Thomas Paine.




XI. ANTI-MONARCHAL ESSAY. FOR THE USE OF NEW REPUBLICANS.(1)

When we reach some great good, long desired, we begin by felicitating
ourselves. We triumph, we give ourselves up to this joy without
rendering to our minds any full account of our reasons for it. Then
comes reflexion: we pass in review all the circumstances of our new
happiness; we compare it in detail with our former condition; and
each of these thoughts becomes a fresh enjoyment. This satisfaction,
elucidated and well-considered, we now desire to procure for our
readers.

In seeing Royalty abolished and the Republic established, all France
has resounded with unanimous plaudits.(2) Yet, Citizen President: In the
name of the Deputies of the Department of the Pas de Calais, I have the
honor of presenting to the Convention the felicitations of the General
Council of the Commune of Calais on the abolition of Royalty.

1 Translated for this work from Le Patriote François,
"Samedi 20 Octobre, 1793, l'an Ier de la République.
Supplement au No. 1167," in the Bibliothèque Nationale,
Paris. It is headed, "Essai anti-monarchique, à l'usage des
nouveaux républicains, tiré de la Feuille Villageoise." I
have not found this Feuille, but no doubt Brissot, in
editing the essay for his journal (Le Patriote François)
abridged it, and in one instance Paine is mentioned by name.
Although in this essay Paine occasionally repeats sentences
used elsewhere, and naturally maintains his well-known
principles, the work has a peculiar interest as indicating
the temper and visions of the opening revolution.--_Editor._

2 Royalty was abolished by the National Convention on the
first day of its meeting, September 21, 1792, the
revolutionary Calendar beginning next day. Paine was chosen
by his fellow-deputies of Calais to congratulate the
Convention, and did so in a brief address, dated October 27,
which was loaned by M. Charavay to the Historical Exposition
of the Revolution at Paris, 1889, where I made the subjoined
translation: "folly of oar ancestor», who have placed us
under the necessity of treating gravely (solennellement) the
abolition of a phantom (fantôme).--Thomas Paine, Deputy."--
_Editor._

Amid the joy inspired by this event, one cannot forbear some pain
at the some who clap their hands do not sufficiently understand the
condition they are leaving or that which they are assuming.

The perjuries of Louis, the conspiracies of his court, the wildness of
his worthy brothers, have filled every Frenchman with horror, and this
race was dethroned in their hearts before its fall by legal decree. But
it is little to throw down an idol; it is the pedestal that above all
must be broken down; it is the regal office rather than the incumbent
that is murderous. All do not realize this.

Why is Royalty an absurd and detestable government? Why is the Republic
a government accordant with nature and reason? At the present time a
Frenchman should put himself in a position to answer these two questions
clearly. For, in fine, if you are free and contented it is yet needful
that you should know why.

Let us first discuss Royalty or Monarchy. Although one often wishes to
distinguish between these names, common usage gives them the same sense.


ROYALTY.

Bands of brigands unite to subvert a country, place it under tribute,
seize its lands, enslave its inhabitants. The expedition completed, the
chieftain of the robbers adopts the title of monarch or king. Such
is the origin of Royalty among all tribes--huntsmen, agriculturists,
shepherds.

A second brigand arrives who finds it equitable to take away by force
what was conquered by violence: he dispossesses the first; he chains
him, kills him, reigns in his place. Ere long time effaces the memory
of this origin; the successors rule under a new form; they do a little
good, from policy; they corrupt all who surround them; they invent
fictitious genealogies to make their families sacred (1); the knavery
of priests comes to their aid; they take Religion for a life-guard:
thenceforth tyranny becomes immortal, the usurped power becomes an
hereditary right.

1 The Boston Investigator's compilation of Paine's Works
contains the following as supposed to be Mr. Paine's:

"Royal Pedigree.--George the Third, who was the grandson of
George the Second, who was the son of George the First, who
was the son of the Princess Sophia, who was the cousin of
Anne, who was the sister of William and Mary, who were the
daughter and son-in-law of James the Second, who was the son
of Charles the First, who was a traitor to his country and
decapitated as such, who was the son of James the First, who
was the son of Mary, who was the sister of Edward the Sixth,
who was the son of Henry the Eighth, who was the coldblooded
murderer of his wives, and the promoter of the Protestant
religion, who was the son of Henry the Seventh, who slew
Richard the Third, who smothered his nephew Edward the
Fifth, who was the son of Edward the Fourth, who with bloody
Richard slew Henry the Sixth, who succeeded Henry the Fifth,
who was the son of Henry the Fourth, who was the cousin of
Richard the Second, who was the son of Edward the Third, who
was the son of Richard the Second, who was the son of Edward
the First, who was the son of Henry the Third, who was the
son of John, who was the brother of Richard the First, who
was the son of Henry the Second, who was the son of Matilda,
who was the daughter of Henry the First, who was the brother
of William Rufus, who was the son of William the Conqueror,
who was the son of a whore."--_Editor._

The effects of Royalty have been entirely harmonious with its origin.
What scenes of horror, what refinements of iniquity, do the annals of
monarchies present! If we should paint human nature with a baseness of
heart, an hypocrisy, from which all must recoil and humanity disavow, it
would be the portraiture of kings, their ministers and courtiers.

And why should it not be so? What should such a monstrosity produce
but miseries and crimes? What is monarchy? It has been finely disguised,
and the people familiarized with the odious title: in its real sense the
word signifies _the absolute power of one single individual_, who may
with impunity be stupid, treacherous, tyrannical, etc. Is it not an
insult to nations to wish them so governed?

Government by a single individual is vicious in itself, independently of
the individual's vices. For however little a State, the prince is
nearly always too small: where is the proportion between one man and the
affairs of a whole nation?

True, some men of genius have been seen under the diadem; but the evil
is then even greater: the ambition of such a man impels him to conquest
and despotism, his subjects soon have to lament his glory, and sing
their _Te-deums_ while perishing with hunger. Such is the history of
Louis XIV. and so many others.

But if ordinary men in power repay you with incapacity or with princely
vices? But those who come to the front in monarchies are frequently
mere mean mischief-makers, commonplace knaves, petty intriguers, whose
small wits, which in courts reach large places, serve only to display
their ineptitude in public, as soon as they appear. (*) In short,
monarchs do nothing, and their ministers do evil: this is the history of
all monarchies.

But if Royalty as such is baneful, as hereditary succession it is
equally revolting and ridiculous.



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